Yet, the Liberals contend that Canada should maintain elevated levels of international migration now in order to find workers to build homes for all these new migrants to live. There’s an incongruity that grates.Many incumbents elsewhere are finding the electorate in a grumpy mood following the pandemic downturn and ensuing inflation.
U.S. President Joe Biden’s administration has spent the better part of the summer trying to garner more credit for a relatively strong U.S. economy. He’s been criss-crossing the U.S. to promote what his administration is dubbing Bidenomics — a catchall for his industrial strategy-driven economic policies.
Results have been mixed, but the assertiveness and boldness of Biden’s narrative-building makes anything the Trudeau government has done on the communications front look utterly timid by comparison.Article contentWhile three years doesn’t put her in the top echelon of the longest-servicing finance ministers, Freeland has already done enough to shape a legacy as an activist policy maker.
To some, that poses a risk and is a problem. Other more like-minded voters will see it as the right stance in a world that increasingly values resiliency and requires government to be at the centre of the economic agenda. Freeland and Trudeau are facing serious questions about lagging productivity and underlying strength of the economy, and trepidation remains the prevailing mood in the country’s C-suites. But Freeland has delivered, too, for big business — meeting their demands for child care, looser immigration and subsidies for green investment.Article content