dating back to its founding in the mid-19th century. The GOP’s support for protective tariffs was rooted in its alliance with Northern manufacturers and industrialists, who sought to shield emerging American industries from foreign competition. Tariffs, such as the Morrill Tariff of 1861, became synonymous with Republican economic policy, funding government initiatives while fostering domestic production.
It took some time for the conservative movement and Republicans to purge themselves of the attachment to the Cold War global trade regime and the rhetorical stances deployed to support it. There were a great many dead-enders who fought bitterly against returning America and the Republican Party to its economic nationalist roots.
, including 41 percent who say they “strong support” the tariffs. Among conservatives, 70 percent support tariffs, with 43 percent strongly supporting. Opposition is barely a rump element on the right: just 10 percent of Republicans and 11 percent of conservatives oppose tariffs. If we narrow it down to those who strongly oppose tariffs, it is only four percent of Republicans and five percent of conservatives.Seventy-four percent of those who supported Trump in the last election favor tariffs.
The old politics of tariffs are not the new politics of tariffs. Traditionally, the protectionist stance of the GOP contrasted sharply with the free trade preferences of Southern Democrats, who prioritized agricultural exports. Today, however,. Forty-eight percent of rural Americans support tariffs, compared with 39 percent of cityfolk and 40 percent of suburbanites.
Even more surprisingly, Americans with graduate degrees are more likely to support tariffs than Americans with a high school education or less. Butis more likely to support tariffs than oppose them. The only exception is Americans with incomes under $30,000, who oppose tariffs 39 percent to 34 percent.
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