He also lobbied U.S. officials, alongside many others who did not register under FARA, for work that, emails show, clearly involved advocacy that would trigger the FARA requirements.The focus on Hunter Biden’s foreign lobbying grew more intense this week when a judge in Delaware pressed prosecutors about whether they were continuing to investigate the president's son for alleged FARA violations.
Tramontano and Painter disclosed to the government that they helped set up meetings between Zlochevsky’s attorney and State Department officials, according to FARA documents.
But the FARA documents Painter and Tramontano did eventually file suggest that specific meetings and contacts in which Hunter Biden was involved met the Justice Department’s definition of foreign lobbying. In 2010, Hunter Biden told that associate, Mark Doyle, that he would stack a trip to meet the president of Serbia and other wealthy Serbians at the end of his father’s official travel to Spain.
Doyle also appears to have attempted to put together a deal between Hunter Biden and the Saudi Business Council in 2011, when Hunter Biden’s associates requested so much money for the president’s son that the broker, a Nigerian businessman, balked at the figure. Hunter Biden’s income from ventures with CEFC executives came up in court on Wednesday when the judge asked him to clarify some of the complicated financial structures he created around his foreign lobbying work.In one 2017 email, a CEFC executive asked one of Hunter Biden’s business associates to “please convey his greetings to The B Family, their support is the base of CEFC's further development.
Luft has alleged that prosecutors removed all references to Hunter Biden and the Biden family from emails that were used during Ho’s trial; Hunter Biden was reportedly the first person Ho attempted to call after his 2017 arrest.